Polls and Pews: complexity in self-identity

The ongoing polling research done by Pew on religion in America has been a major touchstone in understanding national trends, but new research by Pew further affirms how difficult it is to get a sense of what religion means in this country, and how impossible it is to capture a picture of that.

Photo by Emmanuel Appiah

By changing the method of polling from one primarily based in phone interviews to a system where a panel of pre-selected people fill out online surveys, the pollsters are realizing that people are more likely to represent themselves as “religious” and “church-going” to a person on the phone than they are when privately answering on their own. It is objectively funny that people would lie about being a part of a religion which condemns lying, but Pew points out that it isn’t necessary a lie. Someone who says they are “moderately religious” one day might, because of circumstances or how the question was asked, say the next that they are “only slightly religious.”

Of course, actual church attendance is a more empirical metric, and we should be able to hypothetically track actual attendance versus self-reported attendance. This gets a little sticky too, though, as the research notes:

“[…] when respondents in a telephone or face-to-face survey overstate how often they go to religious services, they may not be consciously telling a lie so much as projecting a self-image that is important to them. They may be saying, in effect, “I’m the kind of person who goes to church every week” rather than, “Without fail, I actually go to church every single week.” When answering the same question online, without the subtle psychological impact of speaking to another person, respondents evidently give answers that are closer to their actual behavior.”

Pew Research Center

Which is to say, people’s identity doesn’t necessarily align with their actions. Is someone who self-identifies as church-going but never actually goes to church actually a church-goer? A simple quantitative question becomes a complicated metaphysical puzzle. If anything, the enterprise of the 21st century has demonstrated in sharp relief the many complexities of identity.

The problem isn’t necessarily that someone would misrepresent themselves to a pollster because they prefer to give an answer that is socially desirable. The problem is that the person doesn’t recognize this answer is at odds with their behavior, and that matters of self-identity are unassailable. Instead of simply writing off a non-church-attending person who identifies as church-going by saying they are lying, we must accept that some actually identify as church-going, maybe even if they don’t actually attend church at all. The fact that they don’t enter into the building doesn’t change their self-image as a “church-goer,” and presenting them with the facts shouldn’t change it either; they simply see themselves as “church-going,” even if they don’t satisfy the generally accepted reality of that term.

There is a way in which this is simply a semantic argument and not a metaphysical one. I certainly don’t mean to suggest that a person’s self-identity has a material change on the reality around them, but I also don’t want to reduce identity down to a matter of definition of the terms. There is a real sense in which the person who never sets foot inside a church but thinks of themselves as a devoted church-goer is what they see themselves as, because, after all, who is anyone else to tell them what they are? As with all questions of identity, the conclusion is ultimately a self-identification, which means others cannot dispute the conclusion.

This also doesn’t just boil down to solipsism. Self-identity doesn’t change the fact of how often someone’s physical body enters into a worship space. But it does change how we view research, as well as how we view others: when people tell you who they are, believe them.

Does your kid really care about church?

Whenever Pew releases another study on religious habits there’s always plenty of juicy details that don’t necessarily come out in the headlines. This month’s study has a few funny conclusions, and a few eyebrow-raisers, too.

It probably isn’t a surprise that both teens and parents think the other cares more about religion than they do. On both sides, the parents and children overestimated how important religion is to the other. That doesn’t seem too surprising; parents probably assume their kids’ faith is important aspirationally, while children probably perceive a greater importance because parents are making it a point to pass that faith along. When there are differences between teens and parents, it tends to be the teens who are less religious; again, not a surprise in a world where younger people tend to be overwhelmingly less religious than their elders.

It’s also not surprising that children overwhelmingly share their parents’ religion. Other research demonstrates that, when people leave the church, they tend to do so from 18-35. Of course, living under the influence of a parent and having little autonomy, a teen’s sense of faith is going to be almost completely guided by their parent’s.

Then there’s this little quirk:

Within the broad Protestant category, however, there are stark differences. Eight-in-ten parents who affiliate with an evangelical Protestant denomination have a teen who also identifies as an evangelical Protestant. But among parents who belong to mainline Protestant denominations such as the United Methodist Church, the Episcopal Church and the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.), 55% have a teen who identifies in the same way – and 24% have a teen who is unaffiliated.

Why is it that evangelicals teens are more likely to identify with their parents’ religion? Is there something about the fire-and-brimstone consequences that makes them more likely to stay involved? Or is there something less engaging about “mainline” denominations?

Also notable is the trend among teens towards a relativistic or pluralistic view of religion. Excepting the evangelicals, a slight majority of religious teens believe that “many religions may be true,” a marked change from the historical concept of religion. It seems to indicate a future in which religious conflict is tempered by an understanding that truth may take many forms, or perhaps indicates an abandonment of objective truth that might make it difficult for any two people to agree on something.